Why Iran Appointed a Former IRGC Commander to Head Its Supreme National Security Council
Al Jazeera Staff
Iran has appointed Mohsen Rezaei, a former IRGC commander, as secretary of the Supreme National Security Council amid escalating tensions over the Strait of Hormuz. Analysts see the move as a strategic signal, whether to bolster Tehran's hardline stance or to facilitate potential diplomatic deals with domestic hardliners.
On Sunday (August 10), the media office of Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian announced the appointment of Mohsen Rezaei, 71, as secretary of the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC), replacing Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr, who was recently appointed as political adviser to Supreme Leader Mojtaba Khamenei. The position was previously held by Ali Larijani, who was killed in a U.S.-Israeli airstrike in March.
Rezaei, who led the IRGC from 1981 to 1997, including during the Iran-Iraq War in the 1980s, is regarded as a figure with extensive experience in military, economic, and political affairs. He previously served on the Expediency Discernment Council, the body that resolves disputes between parliament and the Guardian Council.
According to Al Jazeera, the appointment comes amid tense negotiations over the Strait of Hormuz, which Tehran has used as leverage in its ongoing conflict with the United States and Israel. Iran has imposed a blockade on the strait in response to the war launched by the U.S. and Israel in February, while Washington has conducted a naval blockade to exert economic pressure on Tehran.
In a speech in July, Rezaei emphasized that control of the Strait of Hormuz, through which about one-fifth of global oil and gas passes, is worth more than “dozens of atomic bombs.” Last week, he warned that the U.S. would face “serious risks and casualties” if it continued to blockade Iran's ports.
Analysts offer two main interpretations of this move. Some believe it signals that Tehran is prioritizing military and security considerations amid the war. Others suggest that bringing a former IRGC commander into the heart of the decision-making structure could make it easier for the Iranian government to sell potential negotiation deals to hardliners at home.
Abas Aslani, an analyst at the Tehran-based Middle East Strategic Studies Center, argued that Rezaei is someone who can “connect different parts of the government.” Politically, he does not differ much from his predecessor, but his role in balancing domestic factions is crucial.
Meanwhile, journalist Mashallah Shamsolvaezin said Rezaei's appointment could reduce political controversy, as his military history makes the council's decisions more capable of suppressing opposition from hardliners. “They will find it very difficult to accuse a former IRGC commander of being weak or harming Iran's security interests,” he said.
Professor of international relations Mohsen Farkhani views this as a reflection of a shift in Iran's security doctrine, moving toward the concept of “offensive deterrence based on punishment.” According to him, the appointment shows that Tehran is preparing for a serious military confrontation while reducing flexibility in negotiations with the U.S., especially regarding sovereignty over the Strait of Hormuz.
Rezaei previously supported Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf, the parliament speaker and chief negotiator with the U.S., in the 2024 presidential election. This suggests his position within the conservative camp does not fully align with the most hardline faction led by Saeed Jalili, who strongly opposes negotiations with Washington. Accordingly, Rezaei could play a mediating role connecting the Pezeshkian government, the conservative camp, and the military-security establishment.