What is the Amal Movement? Lebanon’s second-largest Shi’a party
Justin Salhani
As Hezbollah’s future grows uncertain, Amal—Lebanon’s second-largest Shi’a party—may see its role expand. Led by Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, it remains a key domestic ally of Hezbollah but could gain influence as the group faces internal and regional challenges. Amal has historically acted as a bridge between Hezbollah and Western powers, and analysts suggest it could present itself as a more acceptable partner while still protecting Shi’a interests.
Beirut, Lebanon – As Israel’s war against Lebanon surpasses 100 days, the partnership between the country’s two main Shi’a blocs—the Amal Movement and the armed-political group Hezbollah—remains solid.
Amal, led by Lebanese Parliament Speaker Nabih Berri, has long been a key domestic ally of Iran-backed Hezbollah. But a parallel channel of negotiations between the US and Iran, along with Israel and Lebanon, has placed Tehran’s support for regional proxies in the spotlight, potentially deeply affecting Hezbollah.
It is unlikely that Amal will soon abandon its close ties with Hezbollah, but the movement’s parliamentary weight and Berri’s crucial constitutional role could strengthen Amal’s position as a patron of the Shi’a community within state institutions.
Souhayb Jawhar, a Lebanese analyst at Badil, told Al Jazeera that the uncertain future facing Lebanon will carry fundamental consequences for both Hezbollah and Amal.
“In practice, for years Amal has been the most prominent political-institutional representative of Shi’as within the Lebanese state, even at the peak of Hezbollah’s power,” Jawhar said. “If Hezbollah’s role continues to shrink or if it is busy with internal restructuring, Amal’s position is likely to be further consolidated in managing the relationship between the Shi’a community and the Lebanese state, as well as between the community and external actors.”
History of Amal
Amal is the Arabic acronym for the militia name “Lebanese Resistance Regiments” and also means “hope.” The movement was co-founded by Musa Sadr, an Iranian-born Shi’a leader, and Hussein al-Husseini, a former Lebanese parliament speaker, in 1974 under the name “Movement of the Dispossessed.”
After Berri took over leadership in 1980, many of the group’s religious members defected to the emerging Hezbollah, and the two sides once clashed over territory during the Lebanese Civil War. Today, they are allied, though tensions remain among some members.
“Hezbollah established itself as dominant through military strength, regional influence, and financial and organizational capacity, making it the most influential force in the strategic decisions of the Shi’a community,” Jawhar said. “But that does not mean Amal lost its foundational role. The movement maintains the bulk of official Shi’a representation in the state, the administration, and institutions, and Nabih Berri remains the most prominent Shi’a figure in managing Lebanon’s political balance.”
Berri often acts as a bridge between Hezbollah and foreign diplomats or governments that have no direct ties with the movement, highlighting their interdependence.
Amal after Berri’s departure
On March 2, Israel escalated its war on Lebanon after Hezbollah fired six rockets across the border in retaliation for the assassination of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei two days earlier. Those attacks ended a unilateral ceasefire agreement reached in November 2024, which had seen some 10,000 Israeli ceasefire violations.
After Israel’s devastating 66-day offensive that killed 4,000 people, including many Hezbollah military commanders and long-time leader Hassan Nasrallah, many analysts concluded that the Iran-backed force had been defeated. A new political leadership under President Joseph Aoun and Prime Minister Nawaf Salam has moved to disarm the group—a step welcomed by some Lebanese but fiercely opposed by others, including Hezbollah supporters.
On March 2, Israel renewed its assault on Beirut, though war had never stopped for people in southern Lebanon. The Lebanese government subsequently banned Hezbollah’s military activities. The cabinet decision—backed by two Amal ministers—was seen as evidence of Hezbollah’s weakened domestic and regional standing.
Berri has often worn a plastic face shield, leading some to speculate that the 88-year-old speaker is in poor health, raising questions about Amal’s future. Karim Safieddine, a non-resident fellow at the Tahrir Institute, told Al Jazeera: “I am not very sure about Amal’s strength, especially after Berri passes away.”
Amal will not replace Hezbollah
Despite doubts about Hezbollah’s capability, the group continues to launch drone attacks and engage Israel, defying the three-month-old ban on its activities. For his part, Berri remains silent, waiting to see how regional developments—including the trajectory of the US-Iran conflict—unfold before making a firm statement.
Safieddine said: “Amal is thinking about this entirely from a populist, opportunistic angle because they are really not game-changers. Every statement by Berri relates to positioning himself within the mainstream currents of the Shi’a community, and he uses media very manipulatively. He rarely issues statements alone but works very discreetly, signaling here and there.”
Still, many analysts believe it will be difficult for Beirut to disarm Hezbollah as long as Iran's Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) backs the group and Israel’s invasion of Lebanon continues. That does not mean, however, that Hezbollah’s position in Lebanon is as strong as it was before 2023.
“Hezbollah’s current weakness creates an opportunity for Amal to re-emerge as a central political force, especially since Hezbollah will find it difficult to oppose Amal’s role in protecting Shi’a interests while avoiding direct confrontation with the state or international intermediaries,” Lebanese political analyst Imad Salamey told Al Jazeera.
While Hezbollah’s weapons and closeness to Iran make it controversial in Lebanon and with Western and Gulf allies, Amal does not carry the same burden. Indeed, Berri has served as a bridge between Hezbollah and the US and Europe. Notably, he negotiated on Hezbollah’s behalf during the 2024 ceasefire talks with the US and France, which relayed messages to Israel.
Salamey concluded: “Amal can try to present itself as a more ‘acceptable’ Western partner because it speaks the language of state institutions, negotiation, and reconstruction, while still retaining credibility among parts of the Shi’a community.”