Factional Divides in Iran Persist Over U.S. Deal, Hardliners and Moderates Stake Positions
Maziar Motamedi | Al Jazeera English
Iran’s internal factions remain sharply divided as the country prepares to implement a memorandum of understanding with the United States, with hardliners warning against concessions and moderates pushing for economic relief through negotiation. The new supreme leader, Mojtaba Khamenei, has avoided commenting on the nuclear program, while the IRGC and security apparatus insist allies must be protected. Hardliners, led by figures like Saeed Jalili, oppose any major concessions, while reformists and the government advocate for a negotiated solution to revive the economy.
Tehran, Iran – The road to signing a memorandum of understanding between the United States and Iran has been rocky, and clinching the deal on Sunday does not guarantee smooth sailing—even after the formal signing expected on Friday in Switzerland.
Factional differences remain rife in Iran and are likely to surface during implementation in the months ahead. Here is a breakdown of where each camp in Iran’s leadership stands and what they say is needed to avoid “surrender” to the U.S. and Israel.
Mojtaba Khamenei
The new supreme leader, who succeeded his late father Ali Khamenei after the latter was wounded in the same airstrike that targeted him on February 28, has yet to appear in public or issue any statement beyond written declarations. He has no formal position on the deal. In his statements, he has focused on maintaining control of the Strait of Hormuz and safeguarding the nuclear and missile programs as “national assets” that cannot be surrendered. This has fueled speculation. The hardline daily Keyhan, close to the former leader, argued that Khamenei has deliberately avoided mentioning the nuclear program since taking power, possibly signaling that Iran considers the matter “closed” even after the U.S. and Israel struck Iran with the aim of curbing Tehran’s nuclear ambitions. Keyhan wrote: “We are at a critical juncture where there is no room for weakness or error, and no one is permitted to exceed the supreme leader’s red lines.”
IRGC and the Security Apparatus
Many senior commanders of the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) and security-intelligence forces were killed in the war, but the survivors are said to have played a key role in the talks with Washington. Generals such as Ahmad Vahidi and the head of the Khatam al-Anbiya headquarters have declared readiness to resume military operations if necessary, but have refrained from commenting on the deal’s content. They stress that Tehran will not abandon its allies, especially Hezbollah in Lebanon, and that these groups must be included in any agreement to protect them from Israel. On Monday evening, Esmail Qaani, commander of the Quds Force, appeared publicly for the first time in months to discuss the deal. On state television, he said the Bab al-Mandab Strait is “completely in the hands of Hezbollah, Ansarallah (the Houthis) in Yemen, and some comrades of the resistance forces.” Qaani also publicly endorsed Mohammad Bagher Ghalibaf and other figures leading the negotiating team with the U.S., after they had been criticized by hardliners for agreeing to the deal. Ghalibaf, the parliament speaker and a former senior IRGC commander, is seen as a pragmatic conservative who supports the agreement. In a rare message following the April ceasefire, he acknowledged that the U.S. and Israel are militarily stronger than Iran, but argued that a beneficial deal was possible if battlefield achievements were leveraged. IRGC General Mohammad Bagher Zolghadr, secretary of the Supreme National Security Council (SNSC), earlier said Tehran would not “back down,” but the SNSC ultimately ratified and announced the deal with the U.S.
The Hardline Camp
Several hardliners within the establishment have voiced anger at the prospect of signing a deal with President Donald Trump, whom they believe greenlit the assassination of former leader Ali Khamenei and others, including Qassem Soleimani in 2020. They insist Tehran must make no major concessions on the nuclear program, maintain control of the Strait of Hormuz, impose fees for transit and environmental services, and ultimately push U.S. forces out of the region. Many hardline parliamentarians and figures from the Paydari Front, led by Saeed Jalili, belong to this camp. Jalili, a longtime representative of Khamenei at the SNSC and the architect of many failed negotiations with the West, is believed to be a key opponent. Some speculation suggests Jalili has been sidelined, though this remains unconfirmed. In addition to Keyhan, IRGC-affiliated outlets such as Tasnim, Fars, and Mehr maintain a hardline, anti-U.S. editorial stance.
The Government and Reformist Camp
The power of Iran’s government, led by President Masoud Pezeshkian, has sharply declined in recent years as hardliners outside the government have gained influence. Pezeshkian, perceived as leaning left and supportive of the deal, told a meeting in Tehran last week that Iran needs to end the “no war, no peace” state with the U.S. Several key ministers with voting rights on the SNSC, including Foreign Minister Abbas Araghchi, back a negotiated solution that secures Iranian interests, particularly through the lifting of sanctions. Meanwhile, former presidents Hassan Rouhani and Mohammad Khatami, along with former foreign minister Javad Zarif—all sidelined since leaving office—have repeatedly endorsed a negotiated solution to reopen Iran’s struggling economy and avert the risk of collapse. After the memorandum was announced, Khatami said: “It is time for the people—both supporters and critics of the regime—to unite in support of the negotiations and the negotiators, moving toward a deal, sustainable peace, and a life free from fear and war.”
