Experts Warn Israel's 'Green Rafah' Plan Aims to Partition Gaza

Israeli media reported that the government has quietly approved the start of infrastructure work in a designated area in southern Gaza, as Tel Aviv advances a post-war vision that observers say is aimed at reshaping the ground and permanently dividing the enclave.

The project, named “Green Rafah” and backed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and Defense Minister Israel Katz, is being implemented east of Rafah, near the “Yellow Route” – a de facto buffer zone unilaterally imposed by Israel to tighten Palestinians into smaller areas.

According to Israeli Army Radio, reported on August 9, the Prime Minister's Office described it as a pilot project backed by the United Arab Emirates (UAE) to set up temporary housing “free from” Hamas influence. The Israeli military will oversee the installation of water, sewage, and electrical systems, while Palestinian workers must undergo strict security checks by the Shin Bet internal security agency.

The project is also subject to strict restrictions, with Israeli authorities reportedly banning the entry of mobile homes or prefabricated houses into the area until at least November.

On the same day, Prime Minister Netanyahu rejected the 15-point plan released last month by the U.S.-led Peace Council. The plan called for the gradual disarmament of Hamas and the phased withdrawal of Israeli forces from Gaza. However, Netanyahu insisted Israel would not withdraw until Hamas is fully disarmed.

Palestinian political researcher Ahmed al-Atawneh warned that projects like “Green Rafah” are designed to create isolated zones under absolute Israeli administrative and security control. Within this framework, Palestinians have only three options: “Either completely submit to Israeli policies, face death and imprisonment if they resist, or emigrate.”

According to al-Atawneh, Israel's strategy is not aimed at providing genuine humanitarian relief but rather at stripping the political dimension of the Palestinian struggle. “Treating Palestinians merely as residents rather than citizens with a national cause, in effect, means weakening and liquidating the Palestinian cause,” he said, adding that this approach aligns with a broad consensus in the Israeli parliament to reject any Palestinian political entity.

Al-Atawneh also criticized the involvement of Arab countries in such frameworks without Palestinian consensus. “If any country participates in this project based on Israel's vision and without Palestinians, it raises questions and essentially serves Israeli policy, rather than genuinely helping or alleviating the burden on Palestinians.”

Palestinian researcher Mohammad Hamed al-Aila noted that the humanitarian protocol annexed to the ceasefire agreement signed last year in Sharm el-Sheikh, Egypt, explicitly provided for the entry of temporary housing into Gaza and the repair of civilian infrastructure. “Ten months have passed since the signing of the ceasefire agreement, yet Israel has not complied with these obligations,” al-Aila said, adding that Israel continues to delay while Hamas demands full implementation of the first phase of the agreement.

“Preventing the entry of mobile homes and delaying any serious reconstruction process cannot be separated from Israel's broader goal of prolonging the humanitarian disaster. Israel views the humanitarian situation in Gaza as a tool of political pressure to gradually push people to emigrate,” al-Aila stressed.

Similarly, al-Atawneh argued that Prime Minister Netanyahu is exploiting these delays to buy time ahead of Israel's elections in October, aiming to maintain his far-right coalition while pursuing long-term goals of demographic engineering and population displacement.

Alongside these administrative zones, preparations are underway to deploy a limited International Stabilization Force (ISF). Reports suggest countries such as Morocco and Uganda could send small units of about 200 soldiers each, far below the original plans for a larger multinational force. Al-Aila believes these symbolic numbers reflect Israel's traditional tactic of ostensibly accepting U.S. proposals while gutting actual implementation.

The ISF's mission remains a major point of contention. “Palestinians want a protective and separation force to shield them from the occupation and ensure the implementation of agreements. Conversely, Israel wants to turn this force into a security arm responsible for disarming and hunting down resistance forces,” al-Aila said. According to him, the Palestinian stance on ISF will ultimately depend entirely on the force's actual function. If ISF operates under Israel's security ceiling to target Palestinians, it will only be seen as an “international cover for the continuation of the occupation.”

Experts argue that the only strategy to confront what they describe as partition is strong Palestinian unity. Al-Atawneh stressed that facing these policies requires a unified Palestinian authority, a national consensus government, and rebuilding political institutions based on genuine partnership. However, he expressed deep disappointment with current Palestinian political leadership: “Unfortunately, there appears to be no decision, will, or capacity from the official political leadership – specifically the Palestinian Authority and the Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO). They continue to turn their backs on every effort by the people to present visions to unify the Palestinian front.”