Zimbabwe passes bill to abolish direct presidential elections, sparking fierce debate

Harare, Zimbabwe – Zimbabwean lawmakers have passed a bill to replace direct presidential elections with a parliamentary vote. Proponents say it will promote policy continuity, but the opposition fears it will undermine democratic accountability and entrench the ruling party's grip on power.

“I can't believe these people want to choose the president for all of us,” Barnabas Gura, 38, from Harare's Glen View suburb, told Al Jazeera. “Only 210 MPs vote on behalf of 15 million people. It's absurd.”

On Thursday, the Constitutional Amendment Bill No. 3 was passed in the National Assembly with 216 votes in favor and 42 against. It now moves to the Senate, where it is expected to secure the required two-thirds majority for constitutional change.

The bill amends Zimbabwe's 2013 constitution by replacing direct presidential elections with a vote in a joint sitting of the Senate and National Assembly.

Justice Minister Ziyambi Ziyambi, who sponsors the bill, dismissed criticism that the proposed changes weaken the constitutional order. Speaking to parliament on June 3, he argued the bill “is not an abandonment of the constitutional order in any way, but a continuation of it” and is “a product of practical and institutional reflection after over a decade of implementing certain constitutional provisions.”

Ziyambi said misinformation surrounds the bill, especially on social media. “This bill does not extend the presidential term or allow a third term. It does not disenfranchise anyone. It does not delay elections. It does not concentrate power in the president's hands,” he asserted.

Opposition lawmakers reject that interpretation and say the proposed changes bolster President Emmerson Mnangagwa's influence over the political system and could clear the way for him to stay in power after his constitutional term ends in 2028.

Threat to democracy

Backers of the bill, including MPs from the ruling ZANU-PF and the opposition Citizens Coalition for Change (CCC), argue the changes foster long-term policy continuity and give Mnangagwa more time to complete his development agenda. But Gura is unconvinced, saying more time will not improve the lives of Zimbabweans struggling with poverty. “Mnangagwa has failed for eight years. Only a few people close to the ruling elite benefit,” he said.

ZANU-PF has been in power since Zimbabwe's independence in 1980. Mnangagwa took over in November 2017 after former President Robert Mugabe was ousted in a military intervention. Under the current constitution, Mnangagwa must step down in 2028.

Pride Mkono, a social justice activist and human rights defender, said the amendment bill will further entrench ZANU-PF dominance. “Since independence, ZANU-PF dominated politics until 2000 when challenged by the opposition Movement for Democratic Change. But the opposition is now in a coma and unable to challenge them. So we will effectively enter a one-party state, but dominated by a personal clique,” Mkono said.

Obert Masaraure, president of the Amalgamated Rural Teachers Union of Zimbabwe (ARTUZ), said the amendment would severely weaken the fragile democracy. “Power will be taken from the people, and the executive collaborating with elites will be free to loot national resources,” he said.

Young Zimbabweans like Gura say they have little reason to believe extending Mnangagwa's tenure will improve their prospects. He argues that eliminating direct presidential elections removes one of the few mechanisms for citizens to hold leaders accountable. “This is a direct assault on accountability and transparency,” he said, noting that ZANU-PF promised jobs before the 2018 election but failed to deliver.

Violence and intimidation

A parliamentary committee report presented to the National Assembly earlier this month said 99.4% of submissions received during nationwide consultations supported the proposed changes. But the consultation process was marred by allegations of intimidation and violence. Activists and human rights groups say suspected state security agents abducted and tortured some opponents of the bill. In Chiredzi, suspected ZANU-PF youths assaulted activist Gilbert Mutebuki after preventing him from speaking against the bill.

Rawlings Magede, senior program lead at Heal Zimbabwe Trust, dismissed the parliamentary committee's findings. “It's not true that most people support the bill. Supporters are a few who think that by supporting, they will get rewards. People are desperate for handouts,” Magede said.

ZANU-PF dominance in parliament

The ruling party now controls both the National Assembly and the Senate. Its parliamentary majority grew after the 2023 elections, when Senator Sengezo Tshabangu recalled several CCC MPs, strengthening ZANU-PF's position. Critics say many remaining opposition MPs are politically vulnerable because of Tshabangu's influence.

Mkono said that although ZANU-PF has a two-thirds majority, the bill's passage was never in doubt. To prevent MPs from voting independently, the party demanded a public vote by show of hands. “This is subtle intimidation and closes all avenues for MPs to express their true views,” he said.

Wicknell Chivayo, a controversial businessman and Mnangagwa ally, has been criticized for trying to influence MPs with gifts of cash and cars. In April, he offered MPs $3.6 million if they passed the bill, but later withdrew the offer after public backlash. During debate on the bill, Chivayo gave cars and cash to MPs Remigious Matangira and Samantha Mureyani after they spoke in support of the bill.

Tatenda Chikumbu, from Kambuzuma, another densely populated Harare suburb, said he has little faith in MPs. “If they can be bribed to vote for the bill, how can I trust them to elect the president once this amendment passes?”

Susan Matsunga, an opposition MP who received a car from Chivayo, supported the bill in debates last week. In Thursday's National Assembly vote, more than 30 opposition MPs voted in favor of the bill.

Courts as last resort

With the bill now before the Senate, opponents are turning to the courts. Mkono said legal challenges could slow the process but argued that political mobilization is the strongest response. “Social movements must be launched and all concerned Zimbabweans must unite to oppose this politically. That is the only viable option,” he said.

Several legal challenges have been filed. Some citizens are suing their MPs for supporting the bill. Others challenge the proposals that could extend Mnangagwa's tenure. Human rights activist Youngerson Matete has approached the Supreme Court to block the bill's enactment without a referendum. But many Zimbabweans have lost faith in a judiciary criticized for lacking independence.

For Gura, what is at stake goes beyond the next election cycle. The proposed constitutional changes, he says, will shape the future his children will inherit. “This is a direct assault on accountability and transparency,” he said.