SDF Dissolution: Is Syria Truly Unifying Its Military?

The Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) announcing their dissolution and merger into the government army is a major victory for Damascus, but analysts say many questions remain unresolved regarding command and force deployment.

On August 25, SDF leader Mazloum Abdi declared from the Presidential Palace in Damascus that the force had formally dissolved, opening a "new page" in Syria's history. He stressed a desire to move from a period of battlefield conflict to reconstruction, and from an era of weapons to an era of peace.

The SDF was established in 2015, operating mainly in northeastern Syria, home to the Kurdish community. Previously, the group had refused to lay down arms and come under the authority of Syria's Ministry of Defense, but a government military campaign in January and a shift in the stance of the United States—the SDF's main ally—changed the balance of power.

Rob Geist Pinfold, a lecturer in security studies at King's College London, assessed that this move reflects the SDF's gradual loss of influence as the U.S. no longer regards the SDF as a protected force.

Navvar Saban, a security researcher at the Arab Center for Research and Policy Studies, argued that the SDF's dissolution helps the government end the situation of having the largest military force outside of Damascus's control, thereby potentially restoring a unified military command and control over borders, airports, and strategic resources. However, he also noted that the integration process is far more complex than a declaration.

Remaining Hurdles

According to Saban, SDF fighters are brought into the government army under the Ministry of Defense, while the Asayish security forces fall under the Ministry of Interior. Civilian institutions are also transferred to relevant ministries. However, building a unified military culture and chain of command will take time.

The Kurdish community may remain wary due to memories of war and a lack of trust in the current government, led by figures from former rebel groups, including Hay'at Tahrir al-Sham (HTS), an organization with origins linked to al-Qaeda. The SDF was accused of cooperating with the old regime, while many rebel groups previously fought against the SDF.

Saban suggested that Arab communities may welcome the return of central authority, while Kurds are more cautious and seek assurances regarding language, education, political representation, and local security.

President Ahmed al-Sharaa has committed to protecting Kurdish linguistic and political rights in the constitution but emphasized the demand for integration into a unified Syrian state. Geist Pinfold believes that subtle U.S. pressure could force the government to make concessions on some SDF demands.

One sticking point is the SDF's Women's Protection Units (YPJ). Syrian authorities have refused to incorporate YPJ into the Ministry of Defense because the army currently has no female units, instead offering to merge it into the Ministry of Interior. YPJ has proposed becoming a specialized counter-terrorism unit within the Interior Ministry, but no final decision has been made.

Alexander McKeever, author of the newsletter This Week in Northern Syria, described this as a significant compromise by the government, which previously refused women in combat or heavy security roles. He also pointed out that questions about the chain of command—whether soldiers will report directly to Damascus or through local commanders—remain unanswered.