Iran Slams US-Gulf Cooperation Council Statement as Interference and Provocation
Al Jazeera Staff
Iran has slammed a joint statement by the U.S. and the Gulf Cooperation Council as 'interference, irresponsible, and provocative,' rejecting pressure over its missile program, the Strait of Hormuz, and regional allies. Tehran accused Washington of using diplomacy to escalate tensions following the recent U.S.-Israel conflict with Iran.
Iran has condemned the joint statement between the U.S. and the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) as 'interference, irresponsible, and provocative,' accusing Washington and its Gulf allies of using diplomacy to pressure Tehran after the recent U.S.-Israel war with Iran.
On June 27, the Iranian Foreign Ministry rejected the communiqué issued after the GCC-U.S. ministerial meeting in Bahrain on June 25, arguing it distorts regional realities and echoes U.S.-Israeli views on Iran's nuclear program, missile capabilities, regional allies, and the Strait of Hormuz.
Content of the U.S.-GCC Statement
The U.S.-GCC communiqué followed talks in Manama co-chaired by U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Bahraini Foreign Minister Abdullatif bin Rashid Al Zayani, with the participation of the foreign ministers of Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and the UAE.
The ministers welcomed the U.S.-Iran memorandum of understanding (MoU) of June 17 but attached strict conditions to any future economic relations with Tehran. They declared that 'any trade and investment with Iran is conditional and reversible' and affirmed 'the shared goal is to prevent Iran from developing or acquiring nuclear weapons.'
The document also stressed that 'lasting regional peace and security requires addressing all threats from Iran, including ballistic missiles, drones, and support for proxy forces in the region.' They rejected 'any taxes, fees, or attempts to control the Strait of Hormuz,' arguing that freedom of navigation is 'essential to regional and global security.'
On Lebanon, the ministers stated that 'Lebanon's territorial integrity cannot be achieved as long as non-state armed groups maintain military capabilities outside government authority,' apparently referring to Iran-backed Hezbollah. They called for 'the full disarmament of such groups and the restoration of the Lebanese state's monopoly on the use of force' and welcomed 'U.S.-mediated bilateral Israel-Lebanon negotiations to facilitate a lasting peace and security agreement.'
Iran's Response
Iran's Foreign Ministry called the joint statement 'interference, irresponsible, and provocative.' Tehran argued that the U.S. and Israel have fabricated false accusations about Iran's peaceful nuclear program, while calling on the GCC to cooperate in establishing a nuclear-weapon-free zone in the Middle East. (Israel is believed by experts to possess around 90 nuclear warheads, although it has never confirmed this and is not a party to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.)
Foreign Ministry spokesman Esmaeil Baghaei described Iran as 'committed to collective regional security more than any other party' and suggested Gulf states are making a mistake by 'seeking protection from the biggest violator of security'—referring to the U.S. Iran reacted sharply to references to its missile and drone capabilities in the statement, asserting that 'Iran's national security and dignity cannot be compromised or conditioned; the legitimate right to self-defense cannot be subject to bargaining or concessions.'
Tehran said the use of regional bases and infrastructure in recent U.S.-Israeli airstrikes shows Washington does not value the security of its Gulf partners. Iran urged countries whose territory was used to reconsider their stance, citing obligations under international law and the principle of good neighborliness to prevent third parties from using their territory against Iran.
Iran also criticized the U.S.-GCC statement for describing Palestinian and Lebanese resistance groups as 'Iranian proxy forces.' Tehran argued such language ignores Israel's ongoing occupation and attacks while putting pressure on Lebanon and resistance groups.
The Strait of Hormuz is another major point of contention. Iran said any disruption in this waterway is a direct consequence of U.S.-Israeli military actions, emphasizing that the strait lies within Iranian-Omani territorial waters and that its future management will follow Article 5 of the recently signed MoU. That clause states Iran 'will engage in dialogue with Oman to determine the management mechanism and maritime services at the Strait of Hormuz, discussing with other coastal Gulf states in accordance with international law and the sovereignty of the strait's countries.'
U.S. Military in the Gulf
Iran has repeatedly said that U.S. bases in the Gulf make host countries vulnerable in any confrontation with Washington. Since the war began, Iran has attacked 20 U.S. military targets. The U.S. typically maintains about 40,000 troops across the region, including in Saudi Arabia, Bahrain, Iraq, Syria, Jordan, Qatar, the UAE, and Kuwait; the number rose to over 50,000 after President Donald Trump escalated his war against Iran. The Wall Street Journal recently reported that Washington is considering adjusting its Gulf posture, including reducing its presence in Kuwait and Saudi Arabia, modernizing facilities in Bahrain, and moving some assets to Israel.
Iran Positions Itself as Security Guarantor?
Iran's Deputy Foreign Minister Kazem Gharibabadi said safe navigation through the Strait of Hormuz cannot be guaranteed if Tehran is excluded from agreements. 'Any credible framework must be based on coordination with Iran and the provisions of paragraph 5 of the Islamabad MoU. Otherwise, the result will be the suspension of the designated parallel route.'
Senior advisor to Iran's Supreme Leader, Ali Akbar Velayati, said Gulf stability has long depended on Iran's management of the Strait of Hormuz, not Western military might. In a post on X, he wrote: 'The small coastal powers should not be complacent about commissioned statements; know that your existence feeds on the scraps of this table. In the great rearrangement, the fringe have no seat. They are eliminated, and their strategic survival depends on Tehran's tolerance.'