‘Radical’ or ‘hero’?: France debates leftist candidate Jean-Luc Melenchon

Hard-left French leader Jean-Luc Melenchon has been described as a “radical” by right-wing opponents, a “despot” by former allies and a “hero” by some of the students who have taken to the streets in nationwide protests.

The leader of the France Unbowed (LFI) party has emerged as the strongest contender on the left and potential challenger to far-right National Rally leader Marine Le Pen in next year’s presidential election.

On Saturday, Melenchon is presenting his programme at a rally in Le Bourget, north of Paris, a day after it was published online.

Among his proposals, he wants to lower the retirement age to 60 and raise the minimum wage to 1,700 euro ($1,900) a month; pull France out of NATO and renationalise parts of the economy.

He wants the European Central Bank to stop France repaying the debt it holds, effectively transforming the debt instead to a permanent interest-free loan – a move he hopes would give the government more room to spend.

On Europe, he envisions France remaining in the EU, but he wants to refuse rules that conflict with the nation’s social, environmental or economic programmes, setting up a potentially confrontational relationship with Brussels.

‘He is in tune with the demands of the demonstrations’

His party is gaining momentum as protests led by students in mid-September swelled to include several groups angry about failing public services, rising living costs and uncertain futures.

The hard-left leader has been hailed at marches, some of which have seen vandalism and looting.

“His strength is that he is in tune with the demands of the demonstrations: better wages, money in education, a lot of welfare measures, no austerity cuts which appease people who are fed up with the cost of living,” said Jacques Reland, a senior research fellow at the Global Policy Institute. “He is the vote of the protesters.”

But some say his policies are radical and unrealistic.

France’s finances and borrowing are under scrutiny as its budget deficit and debt levels are high, raising further doubts on how Melenchon’s ambitious spending plans, particularly on social programmes and public investment, could be implemented.

Some economists warn that his plans could cause investors to sell French government bonds, making it more expensive for France to borrow and potentially causing losses.

“Borrowing money and deciding not to give it back – that’s called theft,” Prime Minister Sebastien Lecornu said in September, regarding such proposals.

LFI says higher taxes on wealthy individuals and corporations – another pillar of Melenchon’s campaign – would finance its spending plans.

His proposals include a minimum 2 percent tax on the wealth of billionaires, restoring France’s wealth tax and increasing taxes on large inheritances.

“Financial capital has benefitted, and it is the one that should pay,” he said in October.

His programme draws on a tradition of left-wing economic interventionism, rooted partly in Keynesian thought, that argues that the state should play an active role in the economy to reduce inequalities generated by the market.

“Because this tradition of state intervention in economic and social affairs has been abandoned by most other political parties, the fact that LFI continues to define itself through such interventionism creates an impression of radicalism,” said political analyst Beligh Nabli, a professor of public law at UPEC-Paris XII. “Yet, this radicalism is only relative – it appears radical when compared to other contemporary political offerings, but from the perspective of the history of social democracy, it is not radical at all.”

Melenchon, 75, was born in Morocco to French parents.

He moved to France as a child where he later graduated in philosophy and modern literature. In the 1980s, he joined the Socialist Party, but distanced himself from it when it shifted towards more liberal economics.

In 2008, he finally quit the Socialists and founded the Left Party, which would later evolve into LFI. The party appealed to working-class voters and marginalised communities and became popular with young people.

According to this week’s polls, the presidential candidate is polling between 17.5 to 18 percent, widening the gap with his rivals in the left camp.

Trailing behind is Raphael Glucksmann, who leads the centre-left Place Publique party and secured the backing of the Socialist Party after winning a joint primary in October. Further back, and running on their own ticket – the Communist Party’s Fabien Roussel, Marine Tondelier’s Greens party and independent Francois Ruffin.

The left-wing bloc is undecided on the LFI.

As Melenchon holds a significant lead, smaller parties are weighing whether to support him to give a left-wing alliance a better shot.

Glucksmann has ruled that out, but others are pondering the situation.

“This will be one of the key debates throughout the presidential campaign,” said Nabil.

Another source of tension across the French left is Melenchon’s strong support of Palestine.

He has repeatedly refused to describe Hamas as a “terrorist organisation” and has accused Israel of committing genocide in Gaza – a term other left-wing politicians, including Glucksmann, have been reluctant to use.

Melenchon has also faced accusations from political opponents on the left that his rhetoric fuels anti-Semitism, claims he rejects.

But Melenchon’s popularity is nowhere close to that of National Rally candidate Marine Le Pen.

The far-right leader, who challenged President Emmanuel Macron in a second round in the past two elections, would easily win in a run-off against Melenchon, leading 70 percent to 30 percent, according to a Toluna Harris Interactive poll conducted in October.

Analysts say his economic programme is not the only obstacle. His combative political style and reputation for confrontation over compromise hinder his chances of broadening support beyond a core base.

“In France, it is often said that to win a presidential election, one must campaign from the centre. Yet, the defining characteristic of the LFI programme is that it is not centrist – that is precisely what makes it disruptive. He seeks victory, but not a victory from the centre,” Nabli said.

His leadership has also been criticised.

Several former allies have said their break with the party was driven by both Melenchon’s management style and political disagreements.

Former LFI candidate Thomas Guenole has described the movement as a “dictatorship” governed by “an autocrat”, while former lawmaker Raquel Garrido said there was a left that agreed with LFI’s programme but not with the party leader’s “methods”.

Former close ally Clementine Autain has likewise accused LFI of becoming “authoritarian”.

“He is the ‘supreme leader’,” said Reland at the Global Policy Institute. “The party is very organised, but it’s not a democratic party at all.”